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>n d 















So as 


in yf 

Printed f 

T H E 

Wisdom and Policy 

F T H E 


1 N T H £ 




So as beft to anfwer the Purpofes of ex 
tending their TRADE and COM- 
MERCE, and enlarging their Foreign 



Some Observations in relation to the 
Disputes now fubfifting between the 
ENGLISH and FRENCH Colonies 


Printed for R. Baldwin, at the Rcfe, in p^ur- 
noJier-Rnu. Mdcciv. 

{ Price Eighteen Pence. ) 






ALTHOUGH a Govern, 
ment may, by its original 
Conftitution, have alj the 
Harmony of Parts which the moft 
exaa Frame and Compofition can 
give It; yet, if thofe poffefTed of 
the Executive Power, having the 
Diredion of the Force of the 
Commonwealth, apply that Power, 
which was intended for the De- 
fence and Prefervation of the Peo- 
ple, to other Ends and Purpofes 

^ than 


(2) , 

than thofe intended, great Difor- 
ders will be introduced into the 
Body Politic, which will operate 
in very different Shapes ; either as 
they arife from the Ambition of 
Princes to govern with an unli- 
mited Sway, or from minifterial 
and fubordinate Powers forming 
diftindl and feparate Interefts from 
that of the Prince and the Sub- 
jeds j in which Cafe, they mufl: 
affume a difpenfing Power, and in 
many Refpecls ad contrary to th« 
Truft repofed in them. 

ASs of Power in Princes are 
generally open, and when they 
are hurried on by Ambition, or 
irregular Purfuits, they, likcyupiier^ 





r as 

i of 






nd in 
o th« 

Es are 
)n, or 

(3 ) 

difperfe their Thunderbolts, which 
often carry more of Terror than 
Danger along with them ; for 
when the Storm is over, and they 
are made fenfible of their Error, 
all the other Parts of th» Go- 
vernment may refume their ufual 

But when, thro' the Ambition 
or Party-views of minifterial and 
fubordinate Powers, the Harmony 
and mutual Relation of the great 
Offices are broke in upon, it puts 
thofe employed therein into a per- 
fect Indifpolition and Incapacity 
of ferving the Publick, and it alfo 
obliges thofe, who may afterwards 
prefide in the faid Offices, to adt 



I ,, 

by incidental Events, which are 
often various, and for the moft 
part irregular ; fo that Fadts are 
difguifed, and Objeds reprefented 
as thro' the wrong End of a Per- 
fpedivcj which quickly leads Men 
in Power into Errors and Miftakes, 
and then they are bound to defend 
them ; and when in Confequence 
thereof private Intcreft is preferred 
to the publick Good, and Strata- 
gems are employed to deceive the 
People, it deftroys Society, and 
renders Multitudes of Men like 
Herds of Bcafls, without proper 
Inftruments, without Faith, and 
without Propriety of Adion. Un- 
der which Circymflances, a Nation. 
may not be apprifed of their Weak- 







nefs and Danger, until, as in the 
fudden Approaches of a Palfy, they 

find themfelves utterly unable to 
exert their Strength : For when 
the Harmony and Order of the 
great Offices are broke in upon, 
the Changing of Hands feldom 
produces any good EiFed, as they 
generally improve on the Corrup- 
tion of the former ; fo that in fuch 
Circumftances, the only Remedy 
to correft the Abufes which 


thro' Time have crept into the 
Offices, and to free the Officers of 
the Crown from a fervile Depen- 
dance in the Difchargc of their re- 
fpeftive Duties. 



• I 

I^ow as it is conceived to be 
Unity of Defign, or the uniform 
Profecution of one End or Point 
of View, which conftitutes Strength 
and Vigour in the Body Politic, 
it may be of great Ufe to be in- 
formed of the political Movements 
of other Kingdoms or States, and 
of the Genius of their Govern- 
ment, that we may thereby know 
what to hope or fear from them^ 
either in tlie Quality of Friends 
or Enemies. And therefore, as 
we have at prefent many Concerns 
of a very interefting Nature de- 
pending with France^ it may be 
of Service to take a {hort View of 
the Syftem of their Government, 
I and 


and the Conftrudtion of their great 
OfEccs, and in parti hr of their 
Council or Board of Commerce, 
that we may be the better enabled 
to judge of their Strength, Defigns 
and Connexions in America* 

The Policy and Genius of all 
Governments are beft difcerned by 
th«ir Courfe of Proceedings in their 
refpedive Offices, which ought to 
be principally attended to in all 
Negotiations relative to Trade and 

I have therefore endeavoured 
to inform myfelf on this Subje<3: 
in relation to France ; and as my 
pnly Vie^ in publifhing the fol- 

( 8 ) 
(owing Treatife i? to ferve the Pub- 
lic, I humbly hope they will 
accept of my Endeavours, and 
that the Reader will be pleafed 
to pardon any Faults or Inad- 
vertencies I may thro* Miftake 
be led Lito in the Courfe of this 

^ ■>! 



> - 



}f this 



Ohfervations on ihs French Politios 
and Government^ with refpeEl to 
their Courfe of proceeding in 
their great Offices, 

IF Men were a Law unto them- 
felves, there would not be any 
Want of either Laws or Magiftrates 
to keep them in TranquiUity : but, 
Nature being corrupted, Self-love, 
NeceiHty, fometimes Hatred, Ava- 
rice, or one Paffion or other, blinds 
them, and induces them to violate 
the Laws of Reafon, fo as to ufe 
Fraud and Force to fatisfy their 
unjuft and irregular Defires ; 
whereupon Legiflatures have form- 

C ed 

( lo) 
ed a new Reafon, which is term- 
ed Laws ; but becaufe Laws muft 
be armed with Corredion, and have 
fome Soul or living Principle, 
therefore Magiftrates are appointed 
to pronounce the Oracles which 
the Law infpires, to put the Laws 
in Execution, and to maintain the 
Authority of them : however, the 
Magiftrates^ in all well regulated 
Governments, have no manner of 
Authority beyond what is by pofi- 
tive Grant and Commiilion dele- 
gated to them, and are all of them 
accountable to fome other Power 
in the Commonwealth. 

The Fre7ich Monarchy, which 
J intend briefly to treat of in this 


( II ) 

Difcourfe, is compcfed of a King^ 
and the three Eftates of the King- 
dom, namely, the Clergy, the No- 
bility, and the third Eftate out of 
the Merchants, Artificers, and 
Hufbandmen ; and out of thofe 
three Eftates the Parliament was 
formed ; but in the Reign of Phi- 
lip the Fair Parliaments became 
fedentary, and now have, or claim, 
a Power to deliberate upon the 
Pleafure and Edidls of the Kingj 
even fo as to fufpend any Adt of the 
Crown, which may by them be 
deemed contrary to the fundamen- 
tal and eftabliftied Rules of Co- 

C 2 


( 12 ) 

The Parliament likewife takes 
Cognizance of all Appeals brought 
to them, and have in many Re- 
fpefts a Superintendency over the 
whole Affairs of the Kingdom. 

The King hath not only Parlia- 
ments and other Officers and Judi- 
catures to determine Differences 
amongfl his Subjeds, but alfo a 
Council of State, which is general- 
ly compofed of Gentlemen of the 
Long Robe, by whofe Advice he 
may corred: all Abufes in the Ad- 
miniflration of public Affairs, and 
reverfe all Sentences or Direftions 
given by thofe in Trufl and Power 
againfl the Mind and Intention of 


( t3 ) 
the Crown : (o that the faid Coun- 
cil, as conftituted, may be juftly 
ftyled the Eyes, the Ears, and the 
Hands of the King, as there is not 
any A<9: done, contrary to the King's 
Intention, but what may, and often 
is redreffed by applying to the King 
in the faid Council of State ; and 
if, on Examination, it be found that 
the Officers of the Crown are ag- 
grieved by any Adt of Power in 
their Superiors, they may, and of- 
ten do, m.eet with Redrefs on that 
Head. Which Regulation hath a 
wonderful Operation and Effect in 
the foreign Concerns of the French 
Nation. For if the Officers of a 
lower Clafs were barred all Accefs 
to the Crown, how could they re- 


( 14) 

fift the Will of their Superiors, 
even in Matters which may be 
contrary to their Duty to their So- 
vereign, to the Public, and to the 
Oath of Office they have taken ? 
Befides, when the Channels of 
Information are obftrudled, the 
Crown cannot either punifli the 
Guilty, nor reward the Virtuous, 
nor in any refpecfl: exercife thofe 
Powers which are lodged in it for 
the Safety and Benefit of the Sub- 

Tlie Royal Privy Council, in 
which fecret Affairs ought only to 
be debated, is compofed of the 
great Officers of State ; but it de- 
pends on the Pleafure of the Crown 



( 15) 

whether the Whole, or any parti- 
cular Number, fhall be called to 
aflift with their Advice; and in this 
Particular different Kings have ta- 
ken different Courfes. 

All public A6ts, fuc !i as Peace, 
and War, raifing of Money, &^c. 
&^c. are fuppofed to take their 
Rife from the Crovi^n ; but there 
have been Debates on this Head, 
Whether the King ought to be 
guided by the Advice of the Royal 
Council, or of the Council of 
State. However, be that as it will, 
all the different Modes of govern- 
ing by Laws are united in the 
French Monarchy, as no Edidt of 

the Crown ought to have its full 


( i6 ) 

Force and Effed until regiftered 
in Parliament j and all Grants and 
other A6ts, which relate to the Exe- 
cution of the King's Will and Plea- 
fure, are to be brought into the 
Council of State : fo that by thofe 
Cheques and Reftraints, the mu- 
tual Relation and Subordination 
of all the Parts of the Govern- 
ment would be fo preferred, as 
to make them concur and aft for 
the Good of the Whole, provided 
the Monarch or his Minifters of| 
State would aft uniformly, and 
not filence the other Parts of the 
Syftem. But there is fome thing 
in the Nature of Man, when arm- 
ed with Power, that hates Re- 
(Iraint, and when they followl 
3 theirl 

. ( 17 ) 
their own Wills and Paflions, they 
follow blind Guides, that will not 
allow them to be perfeft Matters 
of their own Reafon ; from which 
Root have fprung many Ads of 
Power and Oppreilion. But when 
Princes ad; agreeable to their c wn 
Syftem, then Order and Regu- 
larity in Bufinefs give Motion and 
Condud, Spirit and Vigour to all 
public Concerns. 

In Government there muft be 
feme Power which, compared 
with the reft, doth bear the Signa- 
tures of Authority, and claim the 
Right of Diredion ; for otherwife 
thefe Delegates of Power would 
be at Liberty to gratify every Ap- 

D petite 

( i8 ) 

petite r.nd Paflion in its Turn, or 
indulge every Defire which hap- 
pened to be- uppermoft ; but this 
is not thought confiftent with the 
Dignity of the French Monarchy, 
und indeed their Offices feem to 
be fo contrived, as to make th^ 
Kine the fole Mailer and Arbiter 
of all Rewards, and to confer them 
himfelf, fo that they who receive 
any Beneficence of his may be 
convinced, they owe it to his 
Bounty ; which is an infalHble 
Means to attrad: to the Crown the 
Hope of the Subjed:, and toge- 
ther with it his Refpeft, as, in 
fuch Cafe, every one will ftrive to 
do his Duty, and no one promife 
himfelf any Grace or Advantage 







B to 

z the 




Ljr be 

o his 

as, in 

Irive to 


f 19 ) 

but by his Merit and Services : 

therefore, in order to keep all the 
Channels of Information open to 
the View of the Crown, all the 
Great Boards in Fraiice do, every 
Year, report to the King in his 
Council of State the Courfe of the 
Officers belonging to the refpec- 
tive Boards ; in which Light the 
King is to be conlidered as the 
Center to which all Perfons, em- 
ployed in the Adminiftration of 
public Affliirs, and all Matters 
relative to the Offices, ultimately 
refort; and from this there rcfults 
a Spirit of Liberty in the Admi- 
niftration of public Affairs. 

D 2 


( 20) 

What hath principally contri- 
buted to the breaking in upon the 
original Syftem or Plan of Govern- 
ment, and alfo to introduce many 
arbitrary Ads of Power and Vio- 
lence againft the Subjcft in France^ 
is the Attempts of the Clergy to 
render thcmfelves Maflers of a 
great Part of the temporal Jurif- 
didion, which they have, in a man- 
ner, forced fome of the French 
Monarchs to yielH to them. They 
have alfo obtained the Rights of 
Mortmain and Indemnity for the 
Lands they poffefs • whereby the 
State is much weakened ; and not 
only fo, but it creates a foreign 
Monarchy in the Bofom of France. 


( 21 ) 

Another great and cffeftual 
Caufe of breaking in upon the faid 
Syftem of Government is, the Pow- 
er conferred oa the Nobility by 
Fiefs, and by intrtifting them with 
the Charge of doing Juftice, and 
of commiflioning Officers for that 
End, which hath been an Inlet to 
many Adls of Power and Oppref* 
{ion on the Subjedts. ., .. ' 

The Manner llkewife of regu- 
lating and colleding the public 
Taxes hath been extremely oppref- 
five to the poorer fort of the People, 
as the greateft Weight lies upon 
them. Not but if the Farms were 
properly regulated, and not grant- 

( 22 ) 

cd in Reverfion, and alfo brought 
within the View of the Treafury 
Chamber, and the Farmers thereby 
properly checked, they might in 
many Refpeds be confidered as be- 
neficial to the Subjed. 
In France the Conftitution of 
the Nobility is wholly Military, 
and therefore they think it incon- 
fiftent, with their Rank, Quality, or 
Profeflion to be fubjedt to the Re- 
ftraints which might be laid on 
them by a Parliament. 

Thefe and many other Confi- 
derations are ftrong Inducements 
to the Sovereign to adt according 
to his own arbitrary Will and 



I and 

(23 ) 
Pleafure, and to force all the 
other Parts of the Gcv^ernment to 
concur with his Views in any De- 
viation he may think proper to 
make from the legal Syftem of 
Government. Yet the Conftitu- 
tion hath many natural Strengths ; 
as for example, the King cannot 
with Safety undertake any War of 
Importance without allowing the 
Parliament the free Ufe and Exer- 
cife of their Powers ; for if this 
was denied them, the King could 
not borrow Money fufficient to 
anfwer the Expences of the Go- 
vernment. And, with regard to 
the great Council of State (which, 
as above obferved, is generally com- 
pofed of Gentlemen of the Long 


( 24 ) 
Robe) the Dignity and Safety of 
the Crown, the due Courfe of Bull- 
nefs in the Offices, and the Unity of 
Adion through all the conftituent 
Parts of the Government, princi- 
pally depend on it, as it is a Check 
upon the whole Adminiftration, 
and makes the Crown the Center 
to which all Matters relative to the 
Offices ultimately refort. 

In this Regulation there is much 
Safety : For Informations in any 
other Shape could not be wholly 
relied upon, as Minifters are in 
many Refpefts liable to be de- 
ceived, as well as the Crown. But 
when Unity of Adion is preferved, 
and all Matters left open to the 


y of 

ty of 
:o the 



:e in 






( 25) 

View of the Crown, both the 
Monarch and his Minifters of State 
will be freed from many Miftakes 
and Inadvertencies in their Con- 
duft ; and the Government will be 
preferved in perfed Health, and not 
ficken under the Preflure of crude 
and undigefted Schemes of Policy, 

It is the greateft Happinels to 
a Minifter, and what will afford 
the higheft Pleafure to an inge- 
nuous and benevolent Difpofitiori 
of Temper, to be under proper 
Reftraints in theExercife of Power ; 
it frees him from many irregular 
Solicitations, it preferves him from 
Gondefcending to many Ads con- 
trary to his Judgment, and often 

E un-- 

( 26) 

unworthy of his Character; it will 
allow him to difplay hisTalents, and 
make Virtue appear, what it really 
is, a lovely Form ; and it will keep 
him from fervile Fears and Conde- 
fceniions unequal to his Character j 
vv^hich will prevent him from know^ 
ing any Mailer but his Sovereign. 

When the great Sully undertook 
to reform the Abufcs which had 
crept into the Adminiftration of 
public Affairs in France^ divers 
Things had been engaged by the 
French Kings to the Ufe of private 
Perfons, who had paid Sums there- 
upon ; but as the faid Kings had 
fold or engaged their Rights at an 
under Value, Sully thought it juft 

2 and 





t an 



( 27 ) 

and fit to refume fomc of the faid 
Rights, and to recover the Demefne 
of the Crown from others by a 
Rent-charge, which fecurcd the 
Payment of the Money they had 
advanced : but that the King 
might reap further Advantage from 
this Change, it was neceffary to 
fettle a Fund for the Raifing of 
thefe new Rents, and for that End 
a new Impofition was laid upon 
the Clergy, Counties of State, 
Companies, Colleges, and other 
Members of the Kingdom. But 
as the Advantage of an Exchequer 
doth not only confift in the bare 
Getting in of Money, but alfo in 
a frugal Manner of Expending it, 
it was likewife neceffary to reform 

E 2 the 

(28 ) 

the great Offices, the Minifters of 
State having, for many Years before 
that Period of Time, confidered 
themfelves to be at Liberty to di- 
fpenfe with the Rules of their re- 
fpeftive Offices ; or, it may more 
properly be faid, they had not any 
determinate or unvariable Rule of 
Adion. The Orders and Regula- 
tions made by the Crown in for- 
mer Times not being ufually re- 
newed on the Acceffion of their 
Kings, nor confidered as having 
ftill the fame Force and Efficacy 
as the Ordinances of the Crown 
in other Cafes ; he wifely and pru- 
dently confidered that this gave an 
Opening to many Incroachments by 
Men in Power ; and that if they, 


( 29 ) 
from particular Motives, or private 
Views J deviated from thejuft Prin- 
ciples of Aftion, thofe who were 
dependent on, and afted fubfervient 
tOj them would ever take Advan- 
tage of fuch Proceedings, and, in 
their refpeilive Spheres of Adion, 
improve it to their own Service, 
n delaying the Bufinefs of the 
Public, and in throwing infinite 
Difficulties in the Way of all fuch 
as had any public Concerns with 
the Crown ; and that this Evil 
would in Time be communicated 
from the Higheft to the Lowcft, 
even in fuch a Degree as to make 
the lower Clerks prey upon the 
Neceflities of the Soldiers and 

Sailors. . 




In examining into the faid Mo- 
tives and Springs of Acftion, it 
infpired him with a patriot Zeal 
for the Service of his Kins and 
Country ; and in order to lay a 
folid and proper Foundation for 
the Strudture afterwards to be 
raifed, he began with a Matter that 
nearly concerned himfelf, namely, 
to ufe all his Credit and Power 
with the Sovereign, to make every 
Rule of Office equally binding or 
obligatory with the Edids of the 
Crown in other Cafes ; and to free 
the Officers of a lower Clafs from 
a fervile Dependance on their Su- 
periors. It was likewife direfted 
by an Arret of the King in Coun- 





his ) 


I Mo- 
rn, it 
: Zeal 
T and 


lay a 
311 for 
to be 
ter that 
LC every 
ding or 
of the 
to free 
Is from 
.eir Su- 

( 31 ) 

cil (which is in Force until this 
Day) that every Officer fliould 
have a Right, by Petition, to lay 
his Grievances before the King in 
his great Council of State ; and 
to demand any Papers, Entries, 
or other Records, in any of the 
Offices u^herefbever jplaced, which 
might by him be thought necef- 
fary to fupport the feveral Matters 
contained in his Petition. 

..... ■ »' « 


Such a w^ifc Regulation could 
not fail of producing happy Ef- 
ifefts, by freeing thofe employed 
I in the Servire of the Crown from 
a fervile Dependance on their Su- 
periors, and direfting the Method 
of Appeal to the Crown, by free- 

( 32 ) 

ins thofe in the Adminiftratlon of 
Afiairs of State from irregular and 
uniuftifiable Solicitations, and b) 
preventing the Revenues of the 
Crown from being embezzled or 
mifapplied, which muft always be 
the Cafe when there are particular 
and private Interefts to fu^port, 
foreign to, and independent of, 
that of the Crown ; as it is con- 
ceived to be an undoubted Truth, 
That it will require more than 
twice as much to fupport the pri- 
vate Views of an Adminiftration, 
as would be neceffary to expedite 
the Bufinefs of the Public, \\ 

It may be proper to obferve 
further, that by the Syftem of the 



Fre/icl) Government jiliQ faid Coun- 
cil of State is tlic hir^-li Watch- 
Tower, fiom which the King may 
furvcy all his Dominions, and 
fometimes all the Dominions of 
the World, in order to confak the 
Honour, Defence, Profit and Peace 
of his Subjects, and alPj their Pro- 
tcdion from Violence or Injury, 
either at Home or Abroad. But 
this cannot be done, if the leading 
Principle is not in a Condition to 
a6l its Part well^ and to proper 
Purpofes. For if the other great 
Boards do not retain their proper 
Fundions, but are at liberty to 
vary from their Rule of Adion, 
fuch Deviations break in upon the 
mutual Agreement ^cnd friendly 

F Ope- 

( 34 ) 

Operation of the Parts ; by which 
the Government mufi: fuffer a fen- 
fiblc Difturbancc : and in Pro- 
portion as this prevails, the Secu- 
rity and Happinefs of the People 
nnift be diminifhed ; for if the 
faid Council of State was to con- 
cur vatli any of the other great 
Boards, in any Incroachmcnts upon 
the Crown, or the Subjed:, under 
thofe Circumftanccs the King 
might, in a great meafure, be ex- 
cluded from having any Share or 
Diredlion in the Adminiftration of 
State Affairs, altho' at the fame 
Time Minifters of State made an 
arbitrary Ufe of his Name and 
Authority. However, the French 
are too wife to admit of fuch In- 

( 35 ) 

novp.tions, and the Parliament of 
Paris have always guarded againll 
it, as the greatefl: Misfortune whieh 
could poflibly attend the King- 
AoWi ; becaufe, by that Means, 
they would be rendered incapable 
cither to defend themfelvcs, or to 
undertake any Enterprize of Mo- 
ment ; for in fuch a Situation, a 
Government may be juftly refem- 
bled to a disjointed Body, whole 
Members are diflocatcd, and un- 
able to aft their proper Parts. 
Therefore at the AccefTion of 
every King, the Arrets of former 
Kings in Council are renewed, 
and confidered as a ftanding Rule 
to ad: by ; and in like manner, 
all the other great Boards regulate 

F 2 them- 

(36 ) 

tljcmfelves in the Execution of th 
King's Vv^ill and Intention. So 
that, on the vvliole, the King may- 
be properly faid to be in his King- 
dom, what the Soul is in the na- 
tural Body, which, according to 
the proper Direction of its Powers, 
brings either Happinefs or Mifery ; 
and in this Refped: France may 
be jufkly fiid to be happy in the 
Management of \}^z\x American Co- 
lonics, and in the Condudl of War 
and Necrotiations, altho' at the 
fame Time they are in many Re- 
fpeds miferable, by the wrong Di- 
rection of their interior Concerns. 



( 27 ) 
SECT. 11. 


The Motives which ijiduced Lewis 
the XlVth to cojijlitute a Board 
of Commerce, and the Plan upon 
which the /aid Board is conjli- 
tuted ; and alfo the Chech and 
Rejiraints the Governors and 
other Officers are liable to, in 
the Difcharge of their 7'efpeSiive 
Duties ; with a general View of 
their Commerce. 

IT is not much above half a 
Century, fince France was not 
a Soil wherein one could exped to 
find Trade flourifli ; the Maxims 
of their Government being, in 


(38 ) 
many Rcfpe-vSls, contrary to that 
Freedom and Securi ty, which are ab- 
folutely ncceflliry for the Improve- 
ment or Enlargement of Trade. 
However the French King, Lewis 
the XlVth, in a great mcafure 
removed thofe Obftacles, by the 
Rules or Ordinances which he 
made on conftituting a Council 
of Commerce in 1 700. For what- 
ever the Exio;encies of State miaht 
require him to do at particular 
Junctures, yet he took effedual 
Care to provide for the Security 
and Safety of his Subjects in Ame- 
rica^ fo as not to leave them a 
Prey to the Governors and other 
Officers in the Plantations. Hence 
it appears evident, that protecting 



L he 


lem a 

( 39 ) 
the Subjedl by a regular Plan, or 
Syftem of Acfting in the Offices, 
hath as great an Effect: and Ope- 
ration in the encouraging and pro* 
moting of Trade, as th'/Sun hath 
by fending out his benign and 
sentle Influence on the Seeds of 
Plants, in inviting forth their ac- 
tive and plaftic Pov/ers. 

Lewis the XlVth, in the Profe- 
cution of the War he had enter'd 
into with the Maritime Powers, 
was made fenl:ble of the great 
Advantages refulting from Trade 
and Navigation ; that it wa ; im- 
poffible for any Country, however 
advantageoufly lituated, to bear 
the Expences and Load of heavy 


( 4^ ) 
Taxes, without a proportionable 
Supply arifing from its Com- 
merce ; and that without enlarg- 
ing or extending the Trade of his 
Colonies, which would prove a 
confiderable Nurfery for Sailors, 
he could not carry on his exten- 
live Views, or promote the Gran- 
deur and Dignity of his Crown : 
And being likcwife fenfible how 
neceflary it was to give all man- 
ner of Encouragement and Secu- 
rity to fuch as were inclinable to 
embark in new Undertakings, his 
Majefty took effedual Care to 
eftablifli an orderly Courfe of Pro- 
ceeding, and to ordain a regular 
Plan to take place, fo as to pre- 
vent thofe in Truft and Office in 

a tlie 

( 40 
the faid Colonies, from having 
it in their Power to render any 
thing done by them fallacious or 
uncertain, and if poflible to pre- 
vent all Caufes of Injury to the 
Subjects i^broad, and not to let 
the Property of the French Plan- 
ters reft in the Hands of their Go- 
vernors without any regular Check 
or certain Controul which could 
be depended upon. 

The French King was under no 
Reftraint in appointing what Form 
of Government he thought fit, 
or in direding that all the Lands 
in America iliould be confidered 
as a Demefne of the Crown : but 
as the Order and Subferviency of 

Q all 

( 42 ) 
all leffer Syftems, and their Con- 
currence to the Good of the ge- 
neral Syftem, depend upon the 
Subordination of the Parts, the 
Conftitution of the French Coun- 
cil or Board of Commerce, and 
the Form of Government inftituted 
in the Colonies, evidently fhew, 
that the Crown referved to itfelf 
only a kind of parental Property 
in the American Colonies. 

And in many other Refpeds 
the political Views and Forefight 
of the French King and his Mini- 
Iters of State cannot be fuffi- 
ciently admired, in making the 
Crown the Center to which all 
Matters relating to the Colonies 


( 43 ) 
muft ultimately refort, by one 

Conveyance or through one Chan- 
rel only, and in keeping the Of- 
fices, in all their feveral Branches 
or Departments, uniform, entire, 
and open, under fevere Penalties to 
be inflifted on the Aggreflbrs, and 
recoverable by the Subje<9: when 
injured by thofe in Truft and Pow- 
er under the Crown. 

But in order the more clearly 
and efFedually to illuftrate the 
faid Matters, it will be necef- 
fary to take a Survey of the Infti- 
tutions. Regulations and Ordinan- 
ces, which are in Ufe in the French 
Council of Commerce ; to point 
out the wonderful Opeiation and 

G 2 Effea 

( 44 ) 
Effed they have had in promoting 
their Trade and Navigation, and 
afterwards to demonftrate that the 
Plan or Syftem of all Offices is to 
be confidered as a Piece of Clock- 
work which, by its Springs, di- 
reds the Wheels in their Mo- 
tion, . . ; - ■■ '- 

The French King by his Arret 
to eftablifh a Council of Commerce, 
declares, " That he was more 
^' difpofed than ever togrant a par- 
'* ticular Protection to Commerce, 
^^ to fhew his Efteem of the good 
" Merchants and Traders of his 
*^ Kingdom, and to facilitate to 
*^ them the Means of making Com- 
" merce flourifh and extending it : 



'' C 
" exi 



" ner; 

" ture 
" fha 

(45 ) 

" he judges, that nothing can be 

" more capable of producing this 
" EfFed, than the forming a 
^^ Council of Commerce, which 
^' {hall be wholly attentive to the 
*' examinitig and promoting what- 
" ever may be moft advantageous 
** to Commerce, and to the Ma- 
'^ nufadures of the Kingdom. 
" Which he being defirous to fettle, 
^^ the Report of Mr. Chamillart^ 
" Counfellor in Ordinary to the 
" Royal Council, Comptroller Ge- 
" neral of the Finances, being 
" heard, he the faid King, being 
^* in his Council, has ordained, 
^^ and oidains. That for the fu- 
" ture a Council of Commerce 
*^ fhall be held, at leaft, once 










every Week, which ftiall be 
compofed of Mr. Dagujfeauj 
Counfellor in Ordinary of State, 
and of the Royal Council of the 
Finances ; of Mr. Chamillart^ 
Counfellor of the faid Royal 
Council, and Comptroller Ge- 
neral of the Finances ; of the 
Count De Pontchartain^ Coun- 
fellor to the faid King in all 
his Councils, Secretary of State, 
and of his Majefty's Orders ; of 
Mr. Amelot^ Counfellor of State ; 
rf M. De Hornothon and Bayyn 
U Angervilliers^ Counfellors to 
the faid King in his Councils, 
Matters of Requefts in Ordi- 
nary of his Houfhold ; and of 
Twelve of the principal trading 

<« Mer- 

I be 



Df the 



:r Ge- 

3f the 

in all 

■ State, 
rs ; of 
State ; 
lors to 
and of 
<« Mer- 

(47 ) 
" Merchants in the Kingdom, or 
*^ fuch as have been a long Time 
^* engaged in Commerce : That 
" of this Number of trading Mer- 
" chants, two fliall always be of 
" the Town of PariSy and that 
" the other ten fhall be taken 
" out of the Towns of Rouen^ 
*• BourdeauXy LyonSy Marfeillesy 
" Rochelky Names y St. Malo^ 
*' Lijle^ BayonnBy and Dunkirk. 
" That in the faid Council of 
" Commerce fliall be difcufled 
" and examined all the Propofi^ 
" tions and Memorials which 
" fliall be fent to it ; together 
" with the Affairs and DifKcul- 
" ties which may arife concern- 
^^ ing Commerce as well by Land 








( 48 ) 

as by Sea, within the Kingdom 
and out of it, concerning Works 
and Manufadures ; to the End 
that upon the Report that fliall 
be made to the faid King of the 
Refojiutions which fliall have 
been taken thereupon in the (aid 
Council of Commerce, the faid 
King may order what is moft 
advifeable. His, the faid King's 
Will and Intention is, that the 
Choice and Nomination of the 
laid trading Merchants, who 
are to be of the laid Council of 
Commerce, Ihall be made freely 
and without clandeftine cabal- 
ling, by the Corporation Ma- 
giftrates of the Town, and by 
the trading Merchants in each 
I ^«of 



" of the faid Towns. That thofe^ 

" who fhall be chofen to be of 

" the Council of Commerce, be 

" Men of known Probity, and 

" Capacity and Experience iri 

" Matters of Commerce ; and that 

" for this Purpofe ,the Town Ma- 

" giftratcs and the trading Mer- 

*^ chants of the Towns above- 

" mentioned flial! affemble in 

" the Month of July next^ iil 

" each refpedive Town-Ho^:fe, 

" to proceed to the faid Election, 

" fo that the trading Merchants, 

" thus eledted and named, may be 

" able to arrive at Paris^ or where- 

*^ ever the Court fhall reiide, by 

" the End of September following, 

" to begin their Funftions the ift 

H " Da/ 

( 50 ) 
" Day of Otlober. That the faid 
*' Elections fhall be for one Year 
*^ only, and fhall be renewed an- 
*' niially in the Manner above 
^' mentioned, with a Provifo, that 
^' the Time of Service in the faid 
^' Council may be prolonged, if 
'' it lliall be judged proper fo to 
'^ do. He, the faid King, or- 
*^ dains, that the fbrenamed Com- 
'^ ptroller-General of the Finances 
" fhall nominate two Perfons in- 
" terefted in his Majefty's Farms, 
*' to be called to the faid Coun- 
*' cil when the Nature of Affairs 
*' iliall require. And for Secre- 
*' tary of the faid Council of Com- 
'' merce, he, the faid King, hath 
*' nominated Mr. Criiaw de la 

" Boulaye^ 

I faid 




d an- 




, that 


e faid 


ed, if 


r fo to 


g, or- 






3ns in- 










' Coni- 

;, hath 

de la 



( 51 ) 

Boulayey Counfellor to him the 
faid King, Corredor in Ordi- 
nary of the Chambers of Ac- 
compts J who fhall take care to 
keep an exad Regifter of all 
the Propofitions, Memorials and 
Affairs, which fhall be laid be- 
fore the faid Council, as alfo of 
the Refokitions which fhall be 
taken therein ; Copies whereof 
he liall deliver according as he 
fliall be ordered by the faid 
Council. Done in the faid 
King's Council of State, he 
being prefent. At F^erfailksj 
the 29th Day of Juney 1700. 

The King's Intention in confti- 
tuting the faid Council or Board 

H 2 of 

{ 52 ) 

of Gommcrce, was to make them 
the only Conveyance to him in 
his Council of State j and there- 
fore he wifely ordained, that all the 
great Officers of State fliould be 
conftituted Members of the faid 
Board, that in cafe any Matter 
came under the Confideration of 
the Board, which had Reference to 
the Condud of any of the Officers 
who were appointed by, or un- 
der the Diredlion of, any of the 
faid Officers of State, fuch Mat- 
ters might neverthelefs be cog- 
nizable by the faid Board of Com- 
merce, as all the faid Officers of I 
State are deemed to be prefent at 
the faid Board, although they doj 
not ci^ £ their Attendance. 


(53 ) 

This Part of the Conftitutioa 
of the French Board of Commerce 
feems to be taken from the origi- 
nal Conftitution of our Council 
of Trade in 1696; however there 
is this great Difference between 
the two Boards, that the French 
have fteadily adhered to the Rules 
and Inftitutions of their Board; 
but the Englijb have not had it 
equally in their Power fo to do, 
which has been the Root or Caufe 
of many Evils, both as it relates 
his Majefty's Subje(9:s in America^ 
and to the Ti^de and Commerce 
of the Enghjh Nation. 


( 54) 

. The Regulations of greateft 
Moment and Efficacy made by 
the faid Arret are, that in the 
faid Council of Commerce jQiould 
be difcuffed and examined, all the 
Propofitions and Memorials which 
fhould be fent to it, together with 
the Affairs and Difficulties which 
might arife concerning Commerce ; 
and likewife that the Secretary of 
the faid Council of Commerce 
fhould take care to keep an exad: 
Regifter of all the Propofitions, 
Memorials and Affairs which 
fhould be brought before the faid 
Council, as alfo of the Refolutions 
which fhould be taken thereon. 


( 55 ) 









Now the Arret of the French 
King having the Force and Vir- 
tue of a Law, the Council of 
Commerce are under an abfohite 
Neceflity, and even fubjeft to 
great Penalties, as is provided in 
other Cafes of Contempt, if they 
do not examine and difcufs all the 
Propciitions and M morials fent to 
them, together with the Difficul- 
ties which might arife concerning 
them ; fo that the Crown is to 
be apprifed of the Reafons for ap- 
proving or rejedling the fame. 
Neither is it in the Power of the 
King's Council of State to fi- 
lence or alter any of the Reports 
of the faid Council of Commerce, 


until the King's Pleafure is knowri 

There is much Safety in that 
Method of proceeding, for there- 
by all Matters tranfaded in the 
faid <!^ouncil of Commerce will 
be kept open to the View of the 
Crown, it being much eafier to 
rejeft any Propofition or Memo- 
rial, th^n to afllgn a good Rea- 
fon for doing it. But what is ftill 
of much greater Moment is, that 
the faid Council of Commerce 
being obliged to report their Opi- 
nion in the manner above dired- 
ed, on every Matter laid before 
them, preferve a kind of Inde- 
pendency in their own Sphere of 
2 Adion* 




:r to 




re of 

( 57) 
Aaion: And in this Particular they 
have adted with great Steadinefs, 
io as not to difpenfe with the 
Rules of their OfHce in compli- 
ment to Men in Power ; nay, they 
have even gone fo far, in Obe- 
dience to the King's Will and In- 
tention in conftituting the faid 
Board, as to find Fault with fome 
Orders and Regulations of his 
Majefty, in his royal Council of 



In a Memorial prefentcd to his 
Majefty, relative to the propereft 
Means of procuring the Importa- 
tion of Gold and Silver Bullion 
into the Kingdom, and for the 
Hindring the Exportation of the 

I Coin, 


Coin, they addrcfs themfelves to 
Jiis Majefty in the following Terms, 

That it is neceflary to fix the 
current Price of our Coin, ana 
never to alter it again ; as the Un- 
certainty it is now in makes Fo- 
reigners draw out of the Kingdom 
what Effeds they have in our 
Hands, to fecure it from Lofs. 
And they afterwards conclude with 
offering their Opinion, that it 
would be proper for his Majefty 
to give the Public an authentic 
Affurance, that the Rate of Bul- 
lion, and of the current Coin, fliall 
for the future be unalterable* 



( 59 3 

It is alfo very obfcrvable, that 
they have frequently reported a- 
gainft the Condud of thofe who 
are concerned in Farming the Re- 
venues of the Crown ; and in many 
other Relpe(9:s (hew, that they ad 
ftridly in Obedience to the Crown, 
and confequently with a kind of 
independency on the other great 
Boards ; for how would it be 
poflible for twelve Merchants cho- 
(en annually, and who are often 
very little known at Court, to take 
Cognizance of the Adions of the 
Governors abroad, who being ge- 
nerally Men of great Intereft and 
Weight, have Connedions with 
Men in the higheft Employments 

I 2 


■!'■ '^ 

(62 ) 

dered as adting both in a civil and 
military Capacity ; but every Thing 
done by the Governor in a civil 
Capacity is checked and reftrain- 
ed by the Intendant and Council j 
and as a Check upon the Gover- 
nor, Intendant, and Council, every 
Thing done by them is to be en- 
tered in Journals kept for that Pur- 
pofe only, and to be perufed and 
examined by the Governor, and 
counterfigned by the Surinten- 
dant; and in cafe of any falfe 
Entry, Omiffion, or Negleft in 
tranfijiitting the faid Journals, at 
the ftated Times diredted by the 
Crown, the Governors and Surin- 
tendants are liable to the Penalties 
preforibed by the King's Arrets ; 
.: V and 



:il ; 





> at 




|rets ; 


(63 ) 

and if any of the French King's 
Subjedis, either at home or abroad, 
are injured cither in their Pcrfons 
or Properties by the faid Gfover- 
nors, Intendants, ^c. afting con- 
trary to the King's Pleafure, fig- 
nified by the faid Arrets, the Sub- 
jefts injured, on Proof made there- 
of before the faid Council of Com- 
merce, are, on Application to the 
King in his Cotmcii of State, in- 
titled to Relief. So that by the 
regular Return of the Records, 
the French SubjeSs in America arc 
intitled to appeal to the Crown 
for Juftice ; and as all Abufes 
contrary to the King's Intention 
are conlidered as an Offence of 
the bigheft Nature againft the 


! * 

( 64 ) 
Crown, the Complainants, If jiiftly 
intitled thereto, fcldom or never 
fail to meet with Rcdrefs, without 
being put to any extraordinary 
Charge on that Account. 

As is above obferved, the Gover- 
nors in the French Colonies adl in 
two Capacities j but as a military 
Officer, they have difcretionary 
Orders, and proceed according to 
the military Law, and from this 
Latitude they fometimes commit 
great Acfts of Power ; but in a 
civil Capacity they are wholly re- 
ftrained by the Regulations and 
Arrets of the King ; and to guard 
againft all Inconvenience which 
might arife from having improper 


( 65 ) 
Pcrfons to fuccced the Governors, 
in cafe of their Death, the King 
hath always appointed Lieutenant- 
Governors, both civil and military. 

The Excellency of thofe Ordi- 
nances and Arrets of the French 
King is, that they preferve one 
regular, uniform, and entire Rule 
of Adion ; fo that the French Sub- 
je6ts abroad may, in all Cafes of 
Oppreflion, and Ads of Violence 
committed by the faid GovcrnorSj 
Intendants, &^c. meet with Re- 
drefs at a fmall Expence ; as the 
Matters complained of, if they 
relate to Matters of Property, muft 
be upon Record, and duly tranf- 
mitted to the French Council or 

K Board 

{ 64 ) 
Crown, the Complainants, if juftly 
intitled thereto, feldom or never 
fail to meet with Redrefs, without 
being put to any extraordinary 
Charge on that Account. 


As is above obferved, the Gover- 
nors in the French Colonies adl in 
two Capacities ; but as a miUtary 
Officer, they have difcretionary 
Orders, and proceed according to 
the military Law, and from this 
Latitude they fometimes commit 
great Ads of Power ; but in a 
civil Capacity they are wholly re-^ 
ftrained by the Regulations and 
Arrets of the King ; and to guard 
againft all Inconvenience which 
might arife from having improper 



t in 




n a 


( 65 ) 

Perfons to fucceed the Governors, 
in cafe of their Death, the King 
hath always appointed Lieutenant- 
Governors^ both civil and military. 

The Excellency of thofc Ordi- 
nances and Arrets of the "French 
King is, that they preferve one 
regular, uniform, and entire Rule 
of Adion ; fo that the French Sub- 
jeds abroad may, in all Cafes of 
Oppreflion, and Adls of Violence 
committed by the faid Governors^ 
Intendants, ^c. meet with Re- 
drefs at a fmall Expence ; as the 
Matters complained of, if they 
relate to Matters of Property, muft 
be upon Record, and duly tranf- 
mitted to the F^'cnch 

Council or 




( 66 ) 


l>o;irJ of Commerce ; or ellc, a 
before obferved, from the faid 
Omiilion, the (jovernors, liiteii- 
diints, &^c\ are Hahle to the IV- 
naUics direded by the KiinA faid 
Arrets. Which Penalties have, in 
fome Infhanccs, been given to the 
Complainants, in order to repay 
their Damages or Kxpences tluring 
the Delay thereby occalioned. 
Altho' it is very obfervable, that 
the Records are fo regidarly form- 
ed, kept, and tranfmitted, that 
the French Council of Commerce 
depend principally upon the Re- 
cords in Matters of Information, 
as they do not admit of any Soli- 
citors, or even Advocates to plead 

before them ; they keep a Clerk 






( f>7 ) 
in ilicir Ofllcc, vvliofc folc Hufi- 
ncis is to draw up Memorials, Rc^ 
pivlciUations, and Petitions, for 
Inch Pcrlons as have any Occafion 
to prefer them, or apply tor Re- 
drels to the fiiid Couneil or Board 
of Commerce. 

In relation to whieli it is fur- 
ther proper to obferve, that the 
principal End and Defign of con- 
ftituting a Board of Commerce 
was to guard againfl: all Incroaeh- 
ments on the Rights of the Crown, 
or the Property of the Subject ; 
and in order thereto to take ef- 
fedual Care, that the Ordinances 
or Arrets of the Crown fliould be 

K 2 duly 

( 68 ) 
duly obfcrvcd, which only be 
done by prcferving Harmony and 
Order in all their Proceedings in 
the Colonies. • 

Now in refpedl to this, the 
Board cannot admit? of any De- 
viations in the Governors or In- 
tendants, or admit them to offer 
any colourable Pleas or Pretences 
in excufe for their Conduft ; for 
if this was once allowed of, it 
would break in upon the whole 
Svftem of the Board : and inftead 
of reprefenting Matters in a proper 
Light to the Crown, they might 
be made ufe of to very diiFerent 
Ends and Purpofes, by concealing 


(69 ) 

many Ads of Oppreflion, and 
throvvino; a Veil over the Conduit 
of Men in Power. 

The faid Council of Commerce 
likewife takes fpecial Care to pre- 
ferve the Officers of a lower Clafs 
from any fervile Dependance on 
the Governors or Surintendants ; 
which keeps thofe Offices in the 
Difcharge of their refpedlive Du- 
ties under the Protedion of the 
Crown ; for if they could not 
meet with Relief, or be defended 
from arbitrary Ads of Power, how 
would it be poffible for them to 
relift the Will of their Superiors, 
even in Matters which might be 


( 70 ) 

contrary to the Orders of the 
Crown ? . 

And as the Hopes of due Re- 
ward is a very ftrong Incitement 
to animate or pufli Men forwards 
in their Duty, fo by the Inftitution 
of the Council of Commerce, they 
are to give a particular Account 
to the French King, of the Con- 
duft of all the Officers who are 
employed in America ; and there 
are few, if any, Inftances, wherein 
thofe who have behaved well have 
not been properly rewarded and 
promoted, and thofe who deviated 
from, or adled contrary to their 
Duty, been accordingly puniihed 
and difaiiffcd. All 

( 72 ) 



o are 

All the Revenues arifing in the 
French Colonies are accounted for 
in the Chamber of Accompts, and 
all Officers employed therein give 
Security to the faid Chamber for 
the due Performance of their Duty; 
fo that upon any Negledl or Omif- 
fion in returning their Accompts, 
agreeable to the Rules prefcribed 
to them, their Sureties are liable 
to be profecuted ; and by this 
Means, there is a conftant Fund or 
Supply for the Ufe of the Colo- 
I nies, which for the moft Part is 
I applied to the Ufe of the Colonies, 
in fuch manner as is advifcd by 
the Council of Trade. 



( 71 ) 

The Credit and Influence of 
the faid Council hath great Wei^^ht 
with the French King, in all Mat- 
ters relating to Trade and Com-- 
m::rce ; fo that it very feldom 
happens that they recommend any 
Thing to the C ro^^ vi, but what is 
carried into Ex ru.ion. And if 
there be any foreign Intereft to 
oppofe fuch Meafures as are re- 
commended by them, the French 
King hath, for the moft part, 
judged it to be for the Service of 
the Crown, to carry the faid Mea- 
fures into Execution, and then to 
hear and debate the Point in 
Queftion, with any other Nation 
which may oppofe it. 

2 The 

( 73 ) 

: of 

. any 
lat is 
id if 
:ft to 
e re- 
ce of 
n to 
t in 


The faid Regulations fpeak fuf- 
ficiently for thcmfelvcs ; but vvhat 
adds more Strength and Vigour to 
the whole, and what hath made 
the faid Council of Commerce adt 
with fucTi Force and Energy in 
proteding the French Subjefts a- 
broad, and alfo in proted^ing and 
encouraging their Trade, and Na- 
vigation, and Manufadlures at home, 
arifes principally from their not 
having any Power, either in them- 
felves, or at the Inftigation of 
others, to difpenfe with the efta- 
blifhed Rules of their Office ; and 
that the faid Governors or Inten- 
dants abroad cannot any more 
difpenfe with the Ordinances and 

L Arrets 

Arrc*-s of the Crown, than our 



uu;2;c3 111 i'y' cjimtniier-nau can 
wiili the Rules and Forms efta- 
bliii icd in our Courts of Law. 

The good EfFeds and Opera- 
tion which thofe Regulations and 
Arrets in Vra7ice have produced, 
may be Better known by taking a 
curfory View of the Trade and 
Navigation of the French Colonies 
at the Time when their faid Coun- 
cil of Commerce was firft inftitu- 
ted ; and fo compare it with the 
prefent State thereof, and the fur- 
priling Increafe of Trade and Na- 
vig-ation in that Kingdom. 


( 75 ) 




In 170T the French did not 
employ above one hundred Ships 
in the Wcjl-India Trade, and thofc 
Ships were not near the Size, Di- 
menfions, or Burthen of tlieir Ships 
at prefent employed tlv^rein, nei- 
ther were their Commodities of 
equal Goodnefs or Value of thofe 
which they now produce ; but by 
a Calculation made of the Amount 
of the Produce of their Wejl- India 
Colonies from the Year 1737 ^^ 
1744, the F?^e?ich Iflands have in 
Sugar, Rum, Molaffes, Indigo, Pi- 
mento, Cotton, Pepper, Ginger, 
Coffee, &^c, &'c. produced to the 
Value or Amount of two Millions, 
four hundred thouHmd Pounds 

L 2 Ster* 

. .-«-. j^\:ia[i««*"'*' 


Si^JiViu^y per A^;u/;//j and upwards, 
independent of an cxtcnfivc and 
profitable private Trade carried on 
from SLDomingo with the Spaniards 
in America. And moreover it ap- 
pears, that in the fa id JVcJl-India 
Trade or Commerce, one hundred 
a*id twenty thoufandTons oi.Fre7tch 
Shipping, with eleven thoufand 
Sailors, are annually employed; the 
Freight of which (a^s computed) 
amounts to four hundred and 
eighty thoufand Pounds Sterling 
per Annum^ and upwards. 


That by a Calculation at the 
fame Time made, of the Produce 
of the French Settlements on the 
Continent of America^ and alfo ot 


1 on 

; the 


fo ot 


their Fifliery on the Coaft ot New* 
foundland^ &c. the Amount there- 
of is computed at eight hundred 
and twenty thoufand Pounds Ster- 
hng per Annum^ and upwards. 

That the faid Freight in Time 
of Peace amounted to two hun- 
dred and twenty thouHmd Pou..ds 
Sterh'ng, and upwards, wliich, in- 
cluiive of their Fifhery, annually 
employed nine thoufmd Seamen. 

The Regulations made in the 
faid Board of Commerce have alfo 
had a furprifing EfFed on their 
Manufadtures, and other Branches 
of Trade, as they have been there- 
by enabled to carry on a great Trade 



to hidia^ Turkey, Jlfrka^ and even 
to fupply Spain with a great Part 
of the Commodities fuited to the 
Spani/h American Trade, which 
brings a continual Source of Trea- 
fure and Riches to the French Na- 
tion ; and in Conjundlion with the 
Advantages gnined by their own 
American Trade, enables them to 
borrow great Sums of Money to 
anfwer the Exigencies of the State, 
and likevvife to repay the fame^ 
without laying themfelves under 
the Neceffity of mortgaging their 
Funds in perpetuity. 

I fliall only pray Leave to ob- 
ferve further, that from the whole 
Conduit of France they evidently 

% appear 

I the 
:n to 
y to 


( 79 ) 
appear to be of Opinion, that the 
Dominion of the Seas, and the 
Strength and Riches of their Coun- 
try, in a great meafure depend upon 
the Improvement of their American 
Colonies ; to gain which great and 
valuable End, they will not be 
wanting either in Induftry, or in 
the Application of Money. 

This being the Objecfl of fc 
great and powerful a Rival, how 
juftly doth it claim our Attention 
in fecuring our Intereft in America^ 
and in adopting eveiy Scheme of 
theirs, which may fuit our prefent 
Interefts and Defigns, 



( 80) 


T6e Deftgns of the French /;; form- 
ing ConneBions with the Indians, 
and in exte?tding their T*erritories 
in America ; nsoith fome ftcrther 

. Ohfervations in relatio7t to the 
general Plafi of Power^ which 
they are endeavouriiig to ejiablifh. 

IN the foregoing Sedions I 
have endeavoured to fliew, that 
wherever Order, Coherence, and 
Union are obferved,.the eftabhlTied 
Connexions, and orderly Conduft 
of pubUc Affairs, lead ultimately 
to the Good of the Society ; and 
ou the contrary, the afting by 








DllS I 


ig by 

( 8i ) 
intermediate Events, which are 

often varied by ten thoufand ir- 
regular Caufes, leads to Unhappi- 
nefs and Mifery. And that where 
there is no Determinations to uffo- 
ciated Forms, neither Patriotifm 
nor Heroifm can fenfibly afFed 
Men in Truft and Office, fo as to 
incite them tQ ad: for the public 
Good, . 

I have likewife obferved that 
all leffer Syflems ought to con- 
cur to the Good of the gene- 
ral Syftem pr Plan of Govern- 
ment, and that when this is want- 
ing, there cannot be Unity of De- 
fign J but on the contrary an eter- 

M nal 

( S2 ) 

nal Clafliing and Jarring of In- 

I have alfo endeavoured to fliew 
that the Wifdom of the French 
PoUtics arifes principally from the 
mutual Relritioa and Subferviency 
of their public Offices, as the 
freeing the Officers of a lower 
Clafs from a fervile Dependancc 
on the Governors and Intendants 
in Amerkay is a great and effec- 
tual Means of bringing every Mat- 
ter of Importance to the View of 
the Council of Trade, and con- 
fequently to the View of the 
Crown ; and that the Hope 
of Reward gives an additional 
Spring and Energy to thofe em- 

ployed in the Difcharge of their 
refpedive Duties : for if the con- 
trary Pradice was to take place, 
it might be more dangerous to 
expofe Faults than to commit 
them, and under fuch Circumftan- 
ces an Officer is obliged, in regard 
to his own Safety, to fubmit to 
every thing his Superiors may di- 
reft, w^ithout any Refped had ci- 
ther to the Orders of the Crown 
or the Good of the Public. 


Whilft our Colonies remained 
uridifturbed by the French^ there 
were many Caufes of a mixt Na- 
ture, which contributed greatly 
to the Settlement of them; but 
now that the Affairs of America 

M 2 arc 

( 84) 
are one of the principal Objefts 
of the Fre?ich Nation, the Pro- 
teflion of our Colonies becomes 
a Matter of public Concern, and 
claims the Attention of the Go- 
vernment. Therefore, as is con- 
ceived, it tnay not be improper to 
take a general View of the Con- 
dudl of the F?^e?2ch^ in relation 
to their Incroachments, and to 
the Settlement of their Colonies. 

In the firft Settlement of Ca- 
7iada^ the French had many and 
great Difficulties to contend with, 
neither the Country nor the Cli- 
mate being inviting. And the 
Obftruftion? they met v/ith from 
the Indians would have deterred 








IV to 

d to 









( 85 ) 

moft other Nations from any At- 
tempts of thiij Nature. However, 
the Glory of the French Monarch, 
and alfo the Hopes of being ta- 
ken notice of, do at all Times 
influence the French to undertake 
or attenipt the moft hazardous 

I » 1. .• . 

\- t 

In i6ir2, the French fent out 
many Perfons to fettle in Canada ^ 
who would otherwife have been 
confined in the Galleys, and alfo 
Numbers of fturdy Beggars and 
loofe Women ; and to defend 
the Settlement from the In- 
dians^ there were fome Com- 
panies of regular Troops tranf- 
ported thither. But there does 
1 not 

C 86) 

not appear to have been any con- 
fidcrablc Number of Forces tranf- 
ported to Canada^ until Monf. 
De Trafi^ appointed Viceroy of 
America^ arrived at ^ebec in 
1665, after which Cang7ton% Re- 
giment was broke, and both Of- 
ficer^ and Men had confiderable 
Quantities of Land allowed them 
to fettle on. 

After the Reform of the faid 
Troops fevcral Ships were fent thi- 
ther from France^ who carried a 
great Number of Women along 
with them, under the Diredion 
of fome old Nuns; and when 
they arrived there, the Men, that 
wanted to be manied, made their 


s Re- 


e faid 
It thi- 
led a 

( 87 ) 

Addrefles to the above-mentioned 
Governeffes, and after the Choice 
was determined, the Marriage was 
concluded in the Prefence of a 
Prieft and a public Notary. And 
the next Day the Governor, by 
the King's Order, bellowed upon 
fuch married Perfons a Bull, a 
Cow, a Hog, a Sow, a Cock and 
Hen, two Barrels of Salt-meat, and 

eleven Crowns in Money. 

The French King likewife gave 
the Clergy confiderable Grants of 
Lands in Canada ; and, in parti- 
cular, to the Diredors of the Se- 
miaary of St. Sulpitius at Paris 
he gave the Ifland of Monreal^ 
with the Privilege of nominating 


( 88 ) 
a Bailiff and leveral other Mairi- 
ftrates ; and at firft they had th^ 
Liberty of nominating a Governor, 
but afterwards the King deprived 
them of it, as he found it neceffary 
to fortify the Town of MonreaL 


The faid Seminary of St. Sulpi- 
tius fent thither a great Number" 
of Mifllonaries, and there are like-* 
wife great Numbers of Jefuits who 
go to ^luebec^ and are from thence 
difperfed into all Parts of the 
Country, and mix with the In- 
dia?ts in their Townfliips ; and 
as they temporife with the In- 
dians in their Cuftoms and Drefs, 
it is chiefly by means of the Je- 
fuits that the French have ex- 



s who 
f the 
e In- 
c In- 

e Je- 

e ex- 

( 89 ) 

tended their Trade and Influence 
among the Indians. 

Thofe who carry on the Fur- 
Trade in Canada^ do it by Li- 
cence; but then they emp).vy vaft 
Numbers oi hidian Traders whom 
they call Cctireurs de Bois^ who 
are expert in that Trade, and go in 
Canoes, and trade with moft of 
the Savage Nations round the Go- 
vernment of Canada, Thcic 
Coureurs de Bois are, at prefent, 
become very numerous, b^ing 
computed, at leaft, at 1500 Men, 
who are often employed as a kind 
of flying Corps,^ and joined with 
the Indimsy either to attack the 
Englijhy or fuch Indians as are in 

N Friend- 

V ■; 














1.25 1.4 1.6 

-•1 6" 






^0 J>i t> 


,4^ *^ V 

*^ .1^^^ 


















WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 

(716) 872-4503 

my Mi' J 

Friend&ip with them : but altho' 
their Numbers ftrengthcn the 
Hands of the French^ yet the ex- 
orbitant Prices that thofe who 
have the Licenfes exadt from the 
Coiirenrs da Bois have been one 
great Means of bringing many of 
the Indian Tribes to trade with the 
Englip^ as they are fuppHed with 
their Goods at leaft lOO per. 
Ce7it, cheaper from the Rnglijlo 

But what at firfl: principally ob- 
llrufied the French in their exten- 
five Views, was the Obftrudions 
given them by the Five Nations, 
as they were thereby for many 
Years prevented from difcovering 













( 91 ) 

the Lakes, carrying on a Trade, 
and forming Alliances with the 
Savages who lived to the Southward 
and Weft ward of them ; therefore, 
in order to remove that Difficulty, 
they applied to King Charles II. to 
give Orders to his Goveinor at 
New-Tork^ to forward a Peace 
between the French and the Five 
Nations, and to reprefent the 
Frefich Power to them in fuch a 
manner, as to perfuade them that 
their own Safety required their 
coming into Terms with France, 
However, the faid Governor did 
not comply with the King's Or- 
ders on that Head ; yet as he was 
not at Liberty to ad: openly a- 
gainft: the French^ they improved 

N 2 


'I I 

(92 ) 

this Opportunity in extending their 
Lines, and in building Forts to the 
Southward, by which means the 
Five Nations have been much gal- 
led ever liace the Building of Fort 
Frcntenac ^nA Niagara. It is true, 
the Five Nations demolifhed the 
faid Forts ; but the French foon 
rebuilt them, and added feveral 
other Forts to them, as a Retreat 
to their friendly htdians^ wheri 
they attacked the Five Nations. 

The French have likewife cut 
off or deftroyed many of thern by 
Treachery, and fometimes by open 
Force, when the Englijh negleft- 
pd to fupport them ; fo that thofc 
brave and warlike People are great- 

'■■ ■ ■ !y 


(93 ) 

ly reduced, and at prefent unable 
to withftand the Fre?ich ; which 
hath been much owing to our en- 
gaging them in Wars with the 
Frenchy and then leaving the 
whole Burthen of the War on 
them. This they feem to be fen- 
lible of, as they have often repre- 
fented to the People of New-Tori^ 
that when they made them take 
up the Hatchet againft the French^ 
they did not fupport them after- 
wards as they ought to have done. 

I have above obferved the View^ 

of the Fremh in ereding the Forts 

Frontenac and NiagarUy ^c. 

which may be further explained 

\)y a Propofal which was laid be- 

( 94 ) 
fore Count Frontenac, the fccond 
Time he was Governor of Canada^ 
viz, " Since we (meaning the 
*' French) cannot deftroy the ho- 
^^ queje or Five Nations, with our 
*' own fingle Forces, we are ne- 
^' cefllirily obHged to have Re- 
^^ courfe to the Savages who are 
'^ our AlHes ; and it is certain, as 
" they thcmfelves forefee, that if 
*' thefe Barbarians could compafs 
" the Deftrudionof our Colonies, 
*^ our friendly Indians would be 
*^ fubdued by them fooner or la- 
<^ ter, as it has happened to many 
" other Indians ; now, fince they 
" are well afFefted to this Defign, 
" we muft endeavour to facilitate 
^^ to them th^ Means of putting it 






\i our 
e ne* 
do are 
lin, as 
hat if 
Id be 
or la- 

:ing it 




( 95 ) 

^' in Execution ; for you may ea~ 

" fily bcHcve that thefe People, 

*' however favage they may be, 

*^ are not fo void of Scnfe^ as to 

^^ travel two or three liundred 

" Leagues from tbrii own Coun- 

** try to fight againft their Ene- 

" mies, without beincr {\:rc of a 

" Place of Retreat where they may 

" repofe themfelves and find Pro- 

*' vifions. There is no Queftion 

^' therefore but we fliould build 

" Forts upon the Lands of the Iro- 

" qi^e/ky and main :ain them in fpite 

" of their Teeth. And therefore 

" it is propofed to build and main- 

" tain three Forts upon the Courfe 

" of the Lake ; one at the Mouth 

^' of the Lake£r/>, another near to 

'' the 

( 96 ) 
" the Waterfall called Saut SL 
** Marky and a third at the Mouth 
*^ of the Bay of Toronlo.'^ 

The faid Propofals were tranf- 
mitted to France ; but they were 
then too much engaged in other 
Affairs to take notice of them ; 
however, about the Year 1725 or 
1726, they, in part, complied 
with the faid Propofals in building 
a fmall Fort near to the Waterfall 
called Saut St. Marie^ and in ered- 
ing a Fort of confiderable Strength 
at Crown Pointy which is on the 
Lands of the Five Nations, and 
}n many Refpedts of more Service 
to the French^ and confequently 
more hurtful to th^ EngJi/hy than 


it St. 

^ were 

them ; 
725 or 

on the 





(97 ) 

any of the Forts the French have 
buiit from ^ehec to the River 
Ohio. By this Fort they keep the 
Iroquefej or Five Nations, under 
conftant Alarms, and diftrefs them 
and their A Hies in their Huntings ; 
and by Crown- Pointy Fort Fron- 
tenac^ Niagara^ &c. they keep open 
a Communication with the Wejlern 
Indians. They Hkewife prevent 
the Englijh from making a proper 
Ufe of the Five Nations againft the 
Eajiern Indians y who live in (what 
the French call) the Province of 
GafpeJJiey which is properly part of, 
and belongs to Nova-Scotia ; and 
by this means, the Indians to the 
Eaftward of New-Englaitd are left 
at liberty to make continual In- 

O roads 

{ 98 ) 
roads upon the EngliJIj Settlements 
of Nova-Scotia ; altho' it might 
be eafily prevented, if the Five Na- 
tions w^ere at liberty, v^^ith Safety 
to themfelves, to attack the faid 
Eajier?t Nations in the Province of 
Gafpcjfiey or more properly fpeak- 
ing,, in the back Parts of the Pro- 
vince of NovaScotia. 

„ Crown 'Poi/U is near to the Bran-^ 
ches o(Hud/ons River, which runs 
\yj Albany XoNewTork-^ and there- 
fore, from the Situation of the faid 
Fort, the Province of New-Tork 
may be brought into imminent 
Danger ; and indeed inTime it may 
endanger the Safety of the whole 
Continent of America : for if ever 
'1/: . the 

( 99 ) 

tl^ French can take us at an un- 
guarded Hour, and could make 
themfelves Mafters of New-York^ 
they would be enabled thereby to 
cut off the Communication be- 
tween the Northern and Southern 
Colonies, and by the Aid of the 
Indians^ they might have it in their 
Power totally to deftroy the Englip 
Settlements ; nay it is to be feared, 
that the Fremh have had this in 
View for fome Time paft ; and 
altho' the Englijh have above ten 
tinies the Number of Settlers which 
the French have in their Colonics 
on the Continent o{ Afmrica^ yet 
the Englijh Frontiers being very 
extenfive, making near i 'joo Miles 
in length, and the Fre?jch haiing 

Q 2 moft 

( 100 ) 

moft of the Indians in their Inter- 
eft, it is not eafy to guard againft 
the Indians in their fudden At- 
tacks ; for before the Englijh can 
colled any Number of I^^ople to- 
gether tooppofe them, xht Indians 
may, in the mean time, retire and 
fhelter themfelves behind t\icFrench 
Forts, and in fuch an extended 
Foreft 'tis fcarce poflible, through 
Swamps and Thickets, to purfue 
them with any Profpeft of Advan- 
tage, or even to fupply an Army 
with Neceflaries in fuch an En- 

The Views of the Freniph began 
to be public and open about the 
Year 1726, even fo as to make it 


( ^^I ) 

impoffible to niiftuke their Dcfigns, 
provided the Englif ^-^d given the 
leaft Attention to the Concerns 
oi America. The Defigns of the 
French in taking in tht Great Lakes^ 
was to fecure the Indians^ and the 
Fur -Trade to themfelves. The 
Building of Crown-Point was to 
awe the Five Nations, or otherwife 
to bring them into the Meafures 
of France. The Treaties with the 
Eaftern Nations, or Tribes of In- 
dians^ and the Erecting a Province 
out of Nova-Scotia^ by the Name 
of Gafpejjiey was to enlarge their 
Territories on the Sea Coaft, and 
to extend their Fifhery • fo that 
what they have now done at Ohio 
is little, in comparifon of the In- 



( 102 ) 

cfoachments they have formerly 
made on us ; nor in this Particular 
havp they deviated from their for- 
mer Scheme ; as the Forts they 
have lately built are almoft in a 
dircQ: Line with Niagara : How- 
ever, it is probable, they would not 
have afted fo haftily in this Matter, 
only that they were alarmed at the 
Settlement begun to be carried on 
by the Q^h Company. It is fur- 
ther obfervable, that if the French 
furrendered to us the Forts which 
they have lately taken at Ohio,^ 
and yet continue to extend their 
Bouth Line, they \70uld thereby 
take in a great Part of Virginia.^ 
and of North and South Carolina. 
and leave us wlioUy expofed to the 


( 103 ) 

Excurfions of t\it Indians^ ill all 
our frontier Settlements ; and there- 
fore, whenever we have regulated 
our Affairs fo as to be in a Con- 
dition to recover fuch Part of our 
Colonies, as the French have, by 
their Art and Addrefs, taken Pof- 
fefllon of, we ought not only to 
demolifli the Forts which they have 
lately built on the Branches of the 
River Ohio^ but to take Crown- 
Point and Niagara from them, and 
alfo to build Forts for the Pro- 
tection of the Five Nations, and for 
enlarging our Trad^ and Com- 
merce with the Indians. '■' \ ' ' 

In the Treaty which was made 
between the Five Nations and the 


( I04 ) 
Governor crf* New^-Tork in 1 746 ; 
the Governor expreffes himfelf to 
th€ following EffeA, viz. 

i t.. 



" The King your Father having 
" been informed of the unmanly 
" Murders cx)mmitted<Mi the Fron- 
tiers of Ne^-Englandy and of 
this Proi^ihcej is refolved to fub- 
*• due the Country of Canada y and 
*' thereby put an End to all the 
** mifchievousDefignsof theFr^//cA 
" in thefe Parts; and for this Pur- 
" pofe he has ordered his^ Gover- 
" nors o{ VirginiayMarylandyPen- 
^^ Jyhania^dXiiLNem^yerfey^ to join 
" their Forces to the Forces of this 
" Pf oviace, to attack Canada by 
*^ Land : They are all now upon 





( 105 ) 
" their March, and you will foon 
" fee them here. 


^^ At the fame Time the Forces 
** oi Majfachufets Bay^ ConneElicut^ 
" Rhode IJlandy and New-Hamp^ 
^^ pire^ are to go in Ships to Cape 
" Breton^ and there join with his 
" Majefty's Ships of War, and a 
" great Army of experienced Sol- 
" diers from Great Britain. 

" Many Ships of War are already 
*^ arrived there, and fome thou-- 
" fands of Soldiers, and many more 
*' Ships and Soldiers are following, 
** and I exped every Hour to hear 
'^ of their Arrival ; after which the 
" the Attack upon Canada will be 

P ^' made 


1 . ; 


( io6 ) 

made upon all Sides, both by 

^' Sea and Land. 

" You may perceive the King 
" has ordered a Force fufiicient to 
*' fubdue C^;^^^^ ; but at the fame 
** Time, the King your Father ex- 
'' pcds and orders you his Chil- 
*' dren to join with your whole 
" Force in this Enterprize ; and 
'^ thereby gives the Six Nations a 
" glorious Opportunity of efta- 
" blifliing their Fame and Renown 
" over all the Indian Nations in 
^^ ylrnerka^ and in the Conqueft 
^^ of your inveterate Enemies the 
" French^ who, hov/ever they may 
" diffcmble and profefs Friendfhip, 
'^ can never forget the Slaughter 

" which 

( 107 ) 
^^ which your Fathers made of 
^^ th..:m, and for that Purpofe ca- 
" refs thofe Nations who have al- 
" ways been your inveterate Enc- 
^^ mies, and who dcfirc nothing fo 
^' much as to fee the Name of the 
^' Five Nations become obhterate 
^' and forgot for ever." 

In anfwer to which the InJians 
reply, viz. 

" Brother of New-Tor k^ ac~ 
" cording to your Exhortation in 
*^ your Speech to us, we are firmly 
*' united from this Time to aft as 
^' having one Heart ; the Meffafa^ 
" gues are in the fame Manner 
^' joined and united to us, likewife 

V % '' the 


( xo8 ) 

** the Southern Nations bordering 
" upon us ; and we hope that you, 
*^ and the other Governors of the 
** Continent, will be in the fame 
*^ Manner joined and united to- 
[^ gether." 

When the faid Governor re- 
newed the Treaty with the Maha-- 
hinders^ or Indians living near to 
Hudfon% River, the Governor or- 
dered Mx. Golden to fpeak to them 
much to the fame EfFe6l as to the 
Six Nations ; to which they replied, 

" Father, you have told us what 
" Mifchief the French have done, 
" and what Murders upon the 
^^ Chriftians they have committed ; 

*^ thqre« 

( 1^9 ) 
** therefore we declare from our 
^* Hearts, and not from our Lips 
*^ only, that as you have ordered 
" us to fhed the Enemies Blood, 
" in return for what they have 
** done, we are refolved to live and 
^* die with you in the common 
^' Caufe. 


" When you Chriftians arc at 
^* War you make Peace with one 
** another, but it is not fo with us, 
" therefore we depend upon you 
" to take Care of us ; in Confi- 
*^ dence of which we now taks uf 
" the Hatchet, and will make Ufe 
*^ of it againft the French and their 
^^ Indians^ 


( no) 

By the above Speeches it ap- 
pears, that the Indians entertained 
a Doubt of the Englijh not joining 
them, and that in cafe of a Peace 
with France^ we would not include 
our friendly Indians therein ; from 
which Caufe the Burthen of the 
War would lie upon them, and 
leave them ftill expofed to the 
Trench Indians. Which accord- 
ingly happened, as they did not 
meet with any confiderable Aflift- 
ance from us, altho' we had then 
two or 

King's Pay at New-Englandy that 
were not then any Way employed 
in the Service of the Crown. 

three Regiments in the 


( III ) 

ir on declining the Ex^pedition 
to ^ebeCj thofc Troops had joined 
the Quota's which were to be fup- 
plied by the other Colonies, the 
E77glijh would in all Probability 
have taken Crown-Pointy and have 
been thereby enabled by the Aid 
of the Six Nations to have engrofled 
the moft Pari: of the Fur-Trade, 
and alfo to have drawn off from 
the French Intereft the Southern 
zn6.lVeJlern htdians. And it would 
have had this further good Effed, 
that the India?2s to the Eaftward 
of New-England might have been 
kept in fuch Subjection by the Six 
Nations, as to have wholly pre- 
vented their annoying our frontier 



Settlements m Nova-Scotia* How- 
ever, I would not be underftood 
in the leaft to refledl upon any 
Perfon then in the Adminiftration, 
as I am fenfible, that, by the pre- 
fent Courfe of Bufinefs in the Offi- 
ces, many Things are not repre- 
fented in a proper Light to their 
View ; and the Mifunderftanding 
which then fubiifted in New-Tork 
and Majfachufets Bay, was a great 
Caufe of lofing fo favourable an 
Opportunity for humbling the 
French^ and alfo for difconcerting 
all the Meafures which they had 
taken for upwards of fifty Years 
before that Time. 



'( '13 ) 

Tile Attention of the A-. / 
^ing was no, .,,„^ fj^^^^^^, 

^-"-da, but he alfo extended his 

"^g'rm 1685, fent four Ship with 
MonfZP./^^,//,, tod,fcoferde 
Mouth of the fn-rl p- '^'"Y"e 

niake furth Di^ ''\'"'^ ^° 
nircncr Uilcovenes he fcnt 

r «'- Ship, .fe„„j, 

■» .689 fceral Perfons were „r- 

'o go ft„„ c,^^ ,^ furvey the 

Confequence of which, there has 
b<e„ a conilderable Settteent 
made there, and a Governor ap- 

"Hole Refidence is at 7fe„ Or- 


( ^H ) 

lea^is^ and the Lieutenant Gover- 
nor refides at Mobille. 

After treating of the Settle- 
ments of the French on tlie Con- 
tinent, it may be proper to make 
feme brief Obfervations in relation 
to their other Settlements, and 
their furprifing Increafe or Im- 
provement fince 1 70 1. 

In a Memorial of the Board of 
Commerce, at ihat time prefented 
to the King in his Council of 
State, the faid Board reprefents as 
follows : 

** That the Coafl: of Cayenne is 
about 60 Leagues in Extent, and 


( ITS ) 

not above ten or twelve of it are 
inhabited. That its Soil is very 
good, and that the Sugars it pro- 
duces do near equal in Goodnefs 
the white Sugars of Brazil ; that 
it afFords Rocou, which is a Drug 
for dying Red ; and that t here are 
not above 600 Whites, including 
Men, Women and Children, and 
2000 Blacks of both Sexes. 

That the Ifland of Grenade is, 
in Circuit, about 25 Leagues; 
the number of Whites, including 
all Ages and Sexes, 200 ; and of 
Blacks of both Sexes, about 600 ; 
and that the faid Ifland produces 
Sugar, Indigo, Cotton, and Caflet. 




( ii6 ) 

; That Mariinico is about 6q 
Leagues in Circuit, the Soil good, 
and very fertile in Sugars, Cocoa, 
Indigo, and Cotton: that there 
were formerly 3500 white Men, 
and about 16000 Blacks of both 
Sexes on it. 

That Guardaloupey and the 
Land belonging to it, make about 
50 Leagues in Circuit, contain 
about 1500 white Men, and about 
8cQO Blacks of both Sexes. 

Marie Galante is in Circuit a- 
bout 16 Leagues, produces Sugar, 
Indigo, Cotton, and Ginger ; it 


( XI7 ) 

was taken by the Englijhy whq 
afterwards abaudoned it. 

«: )!i:: 

i i V » 

St, Cruce is about 25 Leagues 
round ; during the War with the 
Englijhy it was abandoned, and 
the Inhabitants tranfported to St. 


Hifpaniolay or St. Domingo^ is 

about 500 Leagues in Circuit. The 

French poflefs one half of it from 

pape Franqois to the Vaches^ and 

the Spaniards have the other half. 

At Cape Franqois there is a good 

Port and about 900 white Men, and 

2000 Blacks of both Sexes. To the 

Southward of that is Port du PaiXy 

>vhich the Englijh plundered and 


I ,^ 

( 1^8 ) 

the Inhabitants deferted it. In the 
Diftrid of Leogani the Governor 
refides, in which there are about 
2000 white Men, and 15000 
Blacks of both Sexes. 

■ 1 1 

Petit Guam has a good Port, 
and about 600 Whites and 2000 

There are fome other Iflands, 
as La Dominique^ Les Xaintes^^ St. 
Martin^ and St. Bartbolemy^ which 
were then almoft uninhabited." 

It is proper to remark here, that 
the French Board of Commerce 
do not make any mention of 
the Iflands of St. Vincent^ St. 

% Lum^ 

( "9) 

Lucia^ or Tobago ; and although 
they mention La Do?ninique^ it is 
amongft the Illands which they 
fay not fettled, yet there were 
then feveral Englijh Families re- 
fiding in Dommique. 


The Board of Commerce fur- 
ther report, that the lafi: War, and 
the Sicknefs known by the Name 
of Stam^ which a Ship brought 
from that Place, have much di- 
miniflied the French Colonies ; and 
that this, and the Neighbourhood 
of the Iflands which the Englijh 
poffefs, are very prcfling Motives 
for ftudying ferioufly the Safety of 
thofe Iflands and Colonies. 


( I20 ) 

' By the above Calculation thfe 
French had then 8850 white 
Men, and 45600 Blacks in the 
liiid Iflands or Colonies ; but by 
a Calculation made in 1751, the 
French had then, in the faid Colo- 
nies, upwards of 5 1 500 white Men 
fit to bear Arms, independent of 
many thoufands of Sailors employ- 
ed in the Trade of the Colonies^ 
and 364800 Slaves of both Sexes ; 
end fince the Increale of their 
Colonies, they have incroached 
iipon the Englijh in fettling the 
Iflands of St, LuciUy Tobago^ Do- 
mintque^ &c. ^ 


f 121 ) 

The Treaty that was on Foot 
for evacuating the faid Illand was 
much for the Service of the Eng- 
lip Nation, and indeed there were 
great Hopes of its fucceedingj but 
when the French found themfelves 
prefs*d on that Head, they artfully 
contrived a Treaty by Commif- 
fioners to be fent to Paris ; which 
gave the French an Opportunity 
of mixing the Concerns of the 
Iflands with thofe of the Conti- 
nent, fo that they had it there- 
by in their Power to delay the Eva- 
cuation of St. Liuciuy Tobago^ &c. 

The French Hkewife intended, 
if they came to a Divifion with 

R the 

( 122 ) 

the EnglifJj on the Continent oF 
America^ to include our friendly 
Indians within their Bounds or Li- 
mits, and fo turn our own Weapons 
againfl: ourfelvcs. 

Many of the Indians to the Weft 
of the Apalacian or Blue Moun- 
tains have acknowledged them- 
feives fubjeft to the Crown of 
Great Britain ; and were we to 
determine thf:ir Territories to be 
within the French Limits, it would 
be throwing them into the Arms of 
France^ deftrudtive of all our fron- 
tier Settlements, and would put 
an entire Stop to the Trade and 
Commerce which hath been hi- 
therto carried on with them ; and 


I 123 ) 

it is alfo much to be feared, that 
the French would in fuch cafe e- 
reft divers Forts witnin their Terri- 
tories, and in a manner compel 
them to make War on us. 

Thefe are the Effeds which 
would naturally arife from coming 
to a Divifion with the French \ 
but it is very difficult to judge 
what Good it could produce to 
the EngliJJj. 

For if fuch Limits were deter- 
mined, thofe who fettle on our 
Frontiers would not be more 
fecure in refped of their Lives 
or Pofleflions j as it has al- 
ways been and will be the Policy 

R 2 of 

( 124 ) 

cS France y to ftir up their friendly 
Ir.dlcms to annoy cur Frontier Set- 
tlements, and afterwards difavow 
tv^ery Acl done by them. 

The Defign of mentioning thefe 
Matters is with a View to fliew 
that the French have always had a 
great Advantage over the EngUJh 
in treating with them ; as they 
puil^-ie one fteady uniform Method 
of Proceeding, and keep all the 
Channels of Information fo open 
and entire, that at the French 
Court they are apprifed of every 
thing that has the leaft Relation 
to their immediate Intereft. 


( 125 ) 

The Fre?tch are alfo extrcaie- 
ly fenlible of the Benefit of Na- 
vigation, anei the Happinefs 
and Glory of their Kingdom de- 
pends upon It ; and they arc not 
ignorant, that the Navigation of 
France owes all its Increafe and 
Splendor to the Commerce of its 
Colonies : But now they have ex- 
tended their Views further, and en- 
deavour to obftrud the Englijh 
Commerce in all Parts of the 
World, as by that means they will 
not only increafe their own Power 
axid Inliuence, but in Proportion 
weaken ours ; which will give them 
a double Advantage over us, and, 
if not properly checked, it may, 
2 in 

( 126 } 
in time, enable them to extend 
their Influence and Power all over 
Europe. And although we have 
exerted ourfelves in Defence of the 
}3;ilance of Power in Europe ; yet 
it is to be feared that we muft ad 
lingic, and without any Support 
from our Allies, in the Defence of 
our Trade and Settlements. 

The Ambition of the French in 
extending their Empire is without 
any Bounds or Limits, and there- 
fore they countenance every 
Scheme, or Propofal, that has 
the lealt Profpedl of forwarding 
their grand Defign. In relation 
to which it may not be improper 
to mention the Scheme of an Of- 



{ 127 ) 

ficcr of fome Note in the French 
Service in America^ viz. That they 
ought to life their utmoft endea- 
vours to make themfelves Mafters 
of the EfigliJJj Iflands in the TVeJl- 
IndicSy and to encourage the Eng- 
lijh Colonies on the Continent of 
America to unite and form a Re- 
publican Government; and, that in 
order to induce them thereto, it 
would be for the Service of France 
to open all their Ports to them, 
both in Europe and America, Such 
Schemes appear at prefent to be 
wild and extravagant, yet there are 
many things in the Womb of Time, 
which may favour the ambitious 
Views of Fra7jce in fuch Enter- 


( i28) 

But to refume the Subject: 
Whenever a Government has Con- 
fiftency and a proper Manage- 
ment of their Aftairs in time of 
Peace, we may expe6l the {lime in 
War ; and without them even for- 
tunate Events will not turn to the 
Advantage of any Nation. Now 

if England was to commence a 
a War againft France^ in fupport 
of her Trade and Colonies, what 
could be hoped from it, unlefs we 
firft correct the Abufes, which 
have through time crept into the 
Offices ? Which ought to be our 
firft and principal Care, before we 
make any Efforts to extend or 
proted: our Trade and Settlements, 


left by wrong Information we 
apply improper Remedies, which 
in the End may prove dcftruc- 
tive to this Nation ; we may Uke- 
wife lay the Foundaticjn of a kind 
of Independency in the Colonies 
on the Continent of America^ and 
by permitting them to iffuc Pa- 
per-Bills of Credit, which are of- 
ten calculated to enrich particular 
Perfons altho' at the fame time 
they deftroy public Credit, we 
may alter the Courfe of their 
Trade and Commerce. The Suc- 
cefs the French have had^ and nov/ 
have, in enlarging their Trade, 
and extending their Settlements, 
doth not arife from the fuperior 
Abilities of thofe at the Helm, nor 

8 from 

( 130 ) 
from a warmer Zeal, or greater 
Application to the Service of their 
Country ; for, without Compli- 
ment, we have the Advantage 
of them in thefe Refpefts : but 
their Advantages over us arife from 
the mutual Relation and Subordi- 
nation of their Boards ; which is 
abfolutely neceflary to the uni- 
form Profecution of Bufinefs in 
all Defigns of Importance. 

The Affairs of Afmrica are 
at prefent very ferious and in* 
refting, and juftly claim the ut- 
moft Attention; and therefore, 
as is humbly conceived, it may be 
fit and proper (in thofe who have 
the Power to redrefsl to confider 

: 2 the 

( X3I ) 

the prefent State of our Colonies 
the Offices relative thereto : And 
as France could not have aded 
with equal Succefs, provided they 
had not had a Fund appropriated 
to the Ufe of the Colonies, which 
hath been always applied accords 
ing to the Exigencies of their 
Affairs ; it may be likewife pro- 
per to eftablifli a Fund for the 
Ufe of our Colonies ; but previous 
thereto, it will be expedient to en- 
quire into the Manner of account- 
ing for the Revenues of the Crown 
in America ; for if it fhould be 
thought agreeable to the Wifdom 
of the Legiflature to create any 
new Funds in America for the 
Ufe of the Colonies, either by a 

S 2 Stamp- 

( 132 ) 

gtamp -Duty on Vellum and Paper, 
or any other Way, to be appro-r 
priated to their Ufe, the Money 
colledled muft pafs through the 
Hands of the Officers who are ap-f 
pointed to receive his Majefty's Re- 
venues iu America ; and therefore 
it will be previoufly neceflary to 
know, whether the manner of acr- 
counting for his Majefty's Reve- 
nues in yhnerka is fo regulated, as 
to givx any juft or reafonable Hopes 
of having the Money colledted ap^ 
plied folely to the Ufes for which 
it is intended. . v.* '. : 

The Concerns of America^ and 
alfo the Proceedings of our Council 
pr Board of Commerce, are under 



. as 

( ^33 ) 
the View and Infpe6lion of the 
Hon. the Houfe of Commons ; for 
as is humbly conceived, it appears 
evident from the Steps which were 
taken, previous to the Eftablifli- 
ment of a Council or Board of 
Trade in 1696, from the Syftem 
of the faid Board, and from their 
Courfe of Proceedings for the firft 
twelve Years, that the faid Board 
was intended as a kind of Ap- 
pendage to the Hon. the Houfe 
of Commons. 


There . re many other Things in 
relation to our Colonies worthy of 
Confideration, which will be more 
properly the Subjed of another